Manus E ZIP Try

 

 

WHAT HAS TO BE CHANGED

IN THE CONSTITUTIONS OF ALL STATES

TO MAKE A LASTING PEACE POSSIBLE

AND HOW

CAN THESE REFORMS BE REALIZED?

BY J. M. ZUBE, 1962

First complete translation, from German into English, with some changes and additions: 1979.

First published in the PEACE PLANS series as PEACE PLANS 61 - 65, in 1979.

Then re-filmed and reproduced in PEACE PLANS 61-63. (Refilming on 3 microfiche was cheaper than getting 5 microfiche duplicated again, in a set of 100 each.)

In the present proof-reading of the scanned texts some changes are likely to be introduced again.

Previously to 1979 only some sections were published in my PEACE PLANS series.

Digitized: 6.12.02, which took about 10-11 hours with my old system. (HP PrecisionScan. - The newer programs, Omnipage 9 - German & English version - & Omnipage Pro 10 - presently refuse to recognize the existence of my scanner: HP ScanJet 6200C.) The proof reading will probably take much more time.

Available free of charge, upon request, by e-mail, in RTF, zipped, until it is available on some website or CD-ROM.

No copyrights claims are made except that I reserve the right to publish it myself in any medium and to allow others to do so.

If you should know of a better libertarian peace programme, please do inform me about it.

Most of the ideas here somewhat systematically explained were alphabetically combined in my second peace book:

"An ABC Against Nuclear War", primitively offset printed & bound as PEACE PLANS 16-18 in 1975, later microfilmed and then microfilmed again, as PEACE PLANS 16/17, then also digitised and made available via e-mail.

The German original was microfilmed in PEACE PLANS 399-401, with some additional material and recently digitised and is also available by e-mail upon request. It comes to 579 Kbs zipped in RTF.

The German original is being revised by Andre Lichtschlag for publication in print, upon demand, with certain segments excised.

The digitised versions are the most legible ones. They are also somewhat corrected, revised and supplemented.

In the appendix some material is here added to this peace book, items that appeared in PEACE PLANS 61-63, for this digitised edition is also to serve me as an electronic version of PEACE PLANS 61-63.

LIBERTARIAN MICROFICHE PUBLISHING

& Research Centre for Monetary & Financial Freedom Libertarian Peace Plans, Panarchism, Productive Coops, Free Trade, Libertarian Defence, Liberation Revolution & Militias, Alternative Media & Enlightenment Options, a Libertarian Encyclopaedia, Archive of Ideas, Bibliographies, Abstracts, Indexes, Definitions, Classification Schemes, Directories, Reviews, Slogans for Liberty Encyclopaedia, Refutations Encyclopaedia, etc., on the road towards a complete and permanent Libertarian Library, Publishing and Information Service, making optimal use of all affordable and powerful alternative media so far vastly under-utilized for libertarian texts, like microfiche, floppy disks, CD-ROMs and DVDs to bring about a genuinely cultural revolution & sufficient enlightenment, together with PIOT: Panarchy In Our Time or: To each the government or non-governmental society of his or her dreams.

John Zube, LIBERTARIAN MICROFICHE PUBLISHING, P.O. Box 52 or 35 Oxley St., Berrima, NSW 2577, Australia, e-mail: jzube@acenet.com.au Tel. (02) 48 771 436. No FAX!

Main website: www.acenet.com.au/~jzube It lists alphabetically the authors of PEACE PLANS Nos. 1-1545 & offers and introduction to microfilming & some essays on monetary freedom and panarchism. Total nearly 5 Mbs.

Supplementary lists, alphabetically and by PEACE PLANS numbers, covering PEACE PLANS 1546 - 1768, on 5.8 Mbs, are now available at www.butterbach.net/lmp/ Cross references in these lists are still very incomplete.

LMP's main website offers a 2,000 pages guide to the PEACE PLANS issues that LMP has produced since 1977, containing, on about 500,000 pages, libertarian and anarchist books, pamphlets, magazines, newsletters, dissertations, bibliographies, directories, indexes, essays & articles, letter, review & leaflet collections, etc., with an average of over 300 pages per microfiche: $ 1 cash each, post-free for orders of at least 10, or 2 International Reply Coupons or $ 2 other non-cash, with small cheques not accepted.

Has any other individual published more freedom texts, more cheaply, in any medium?

Many of the PEACE PLANS in the Supplementary List do contain material compiled from websites, with their links. My thus recorded survey of libertarian sites is still very incomplete and I would prefer to see such a compilation on CD-ROMs.

Lists on the libertarian CD-ROM project are on www.butterbach.net/project.htm If you want to be entered in an update list, please contact me by e-mail, with the entry you prefer for yourself.

An alphabetical compilation on free banking or monetary freedom, 2.6 Mbs, is available on www.butterbach.net/freebank.htm A small step towards an encyclopaedia on Free Banking. Your entries are needed!

All of PEACE PLANS 1-20, 61-63, 183 & 399-401 are now available in small batches via e-mail, until they can be offered on a website or CD-ROM or both.

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Advertisement from the 1979 edition:

A short

PEACE QUESTIONAIRE

Please keep your replies to 1-10 pages foolscap unless you have a whole libertarian peace programme to offer in manuscript for non-exclusive microfilming.

I intend to compile the answers into a book and to "publish" this on microfiche film. Mention your full name and address or not, as you please.

Please use separate sheet(s) for your reply. At least another 50 replies are needed for the first issue - of what thoughtful people think on peace. (The replies were microfilmed in PEACE PLANS 650.)

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.) What do you understand under the term "civil and international peace"?

2.) What do you consider to be the main foundation stones for this peace?

3.) How, according to you, could this kind of peace be achieved?

You might consider this to be a mini-referendum, putting the thinking, responsibility and decision back to you.

That our governments and recognized experts are incapable of solving this question seems to be obvious by now.

Please send your answers to: John Zube, 35 Oxley St., Berrima, NSW, Australia 2577. jzube@acenet.com.au

(2002 address! I would gladly reproduce a larger edition than that offered in PEACE PLANS 650. - J.Z., 7.12.02.)

Is there a higher duty than thinking about & working for a peaceful, just & free society for all rational beings? - J.Z. 2/84.

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WHAT HAS TO BE CHANGED IN THE CONSTITUTIONS OF ALL STATES

TO MAKE A LASTING PEACE POSSIBLE

AND HOW CAN THESE REFORMS BE REALIZED?

 

C O N T E N T S

MAJOR DIVISIONS

PART ONE:

WHAT FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS HAVE TO BE INCLUDED IN THE CONSTITUTIONS OF ALL STATES TO ASSURE LASTING WORLD PEACE AND WHAT INSTITUTIONS ARE TO BE ESTABLISHED UPON THESE CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES? ………………….………………………………….. 25 - 155

(A) P R I N C I P L E S ……………………………………………………………………………. 25 - 71

Sec. I What GENERAL new human rights must be included in all constitutions? …………………… 25 - 63

 

Sec. II What ECONOMIC new human rights are to be included in all constitutions? ………………… 64 - 71

(B) I N S T I T U T I O N S ……………………………………………………………………… 72 - 155

Sec. III To what extent have our institutions and principles for the protection of human rights to be changed?

What new institutions for the protection of human rights have to be established? ……………………… 72 - 92

Sec.IV What new economic institutions are to be established upon the above economic rights? …… 93 - 155

 

PART TWO:

HOW CAN THE REFORMS DESCRIBED IN THE ABOVE FOUR SECTIONS BE REALIZED? …………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 156 - 328

(C) FORCEFUL REALISATION WHERE NECESSARY ……………………………………………. 156 - 276

Sec.V Realisation of human rights and of the natural rights of rational beings, and thereby of peace,

by REVOLUTIONS to overthrow the dictatorial regimes ……………………………………………… 156 - 203

Sec.VI The organization of MILITIAS for the protection of human rights and the establishment of

world peace - and their conduct and programme in war and peace ……………………………………… 204 - 276

(D) ENLIGHTENING PROPAGANDA WHERE POSSIBLE …………………………………………. 277 - 328

Sec.VII How can the reform ideas advanced in this programme be sufficiently spread

in the democratic States? ………………………………………………………………………………… 277 - 328

A P P E N D I X . ………………………………………………………………………………………… 329 - 392

ALPHABETICAL INDEX ……………………………………………………………………………… 393 ff.

For more detailed subdivisions see pages 11 - 24 & 487.

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2

WHAT HAS TO BE CHANGED IN THE CONSTITUTIONS OF ALL STATES

TO MAKE A LASTING PEACE POSSIBLE

AND HOW CAN THESE REFORMS BE REALIZED?

BY J. M. ZUBE, 1962

 

3

THE GOVERNMENTS HAVE DONE WHAT THEY COULD DO

AND STILL DO

WHAT THEY CAN DO.

WHAT CAN BE ACHIEVED IN THIS WAY EVERYBODY CAN SEE:

EVERYTHING IS PREPARED FOR THE GREATEST OF ALL WARS.

NOTHING IS DONE TO ESTABLISH A LASTING WORLD PEACE.

COMPLETELY NEW PATHS HAVE TO BE TAKEN:

THE STATIST INSTITUTIONS HAVE LARGELY TO BE REPLACED

BY PRIVATE ONES - & THE MAXIMS OF "PRACTICAL" & POWER POLITICS -

BY MORAL AND RATIONAL PRINCIPLES.

"People want peace so much that governments had better get out of their way

and let them have it!" - Dwight D. Eisenhower

"The conditions and not people cause wars.

The conditions of war cannot develop out of purely personal relations

but merely out of the existing conditions." - Jean Jaques Rousseau

"Ask all people: Do you want peace?

Unanimously they will answer:

"I wish, desire, want and love it!"

Thus you must also love justice -

for justice and peace are two friends.

If you don't love the friend of peace,

then peace will neither love you nor come to you." - Augustinus

 

4

D E D I C A T I O N

 

 

This book is dedicated to the memory and ideas of Ulrich von Beckerath, who died ten years ago and was my admired teacher, mentor and friend for 17 years. He either developed, re-discovered or stressed most of the ideas in this book. From his writings, letters, notes and remarks in conversations with him I have taken very much literally, without always stating this expressly. Usually, I could not have provided a better wording myself and he did not want to be mentioned too often.

In the depth and sharpness and richness of his thoughts and ideas he has in my opinion not been exceeded by any other social reformer.

I hope that in the not too far future his numerous pioneering thoughts will become known and appreciated. Nay, more so: I do happen to wish to survive and live a long and free life, I wish life and liberty to all those dear to me and to all non-aggressive others and for this purpose I, all others and this whole world truly depend on the rapid realisation of his most important ideas, in the tolerant ways he suggested. Without them I do not see much hope for us but instead almost the certainty of disaster, a greater man-made disaster than ever before, perhaps the final one.

While I find his ideas as crucially important, I see them still and everywhere among the most unknown, ignored, misunderstood and least appreciated ideas in existence. This discrepancy is sometimes hard to take and only the hope, however forlorn, provided by his programme, gives me the courage to battle on.

Because of his advancing age and failing health after the second World War he did not get around to put this peace programme in writing himself. I am sure he would have done a better job of it. For all remaining its faults I claim exclusive responsibility.

J. M. Zube, 5/79.

 

5

B E W A R E O F T H E D I S I N T E R E S T E D O N E S!

 

On all those who will put this book away again, after a short glance, Bruno Jasiewski had this to say in his book :

Die Verschwoerung der Gleichgueltigen" (The Conspiracy of the Disinterested):

Do not fear your enemies - for at most they can only kill you.

Do not fear your friends. At most they can only betray you.

But be afraid of the disinterested ones.

They do not kill and they do not betray -

But only due to their tacit agreement

do murder and treason rule in this world!

 

 

6

P U B L I C W A R N I N G

 

 

TO ALL COMMUNISTS, FASCISTS AND OTHER TOTALITARIANS IN POWER

AND TO ALL TERRORISTS ASPIRING TO POWER:

Here your last chance is offered :

Use the new economic, political and social tolerance here proposed, to realize your (in our view wrong) ideas, theories and plans, in rightful experiments, i.e. at your own expense and at your own risk, among voluntary members only (in voluntaristic, autonomous and exterritorial communities under personal laws), and then to appeal to others to voluntarily imitate your examples, but take care to cease all attempts to impose your ideas upon us -unless you want to be overthrown and held responsible by us, by all whom you oppress or threaten.

This book describes how this can be done, how ideas can become more powerful than all armies and police forces, how they can mobilise rightful defensive forces for the protection of all individual human rights.

 

P U B L I C A P P E A L

ANTI-TOTALITARIANS AND MINORITY GROUPS OF ALL PERSUASIONS: UNITE!

If you unite in a common defence and liberation effort against all totalitarians and despotic majority and minority groups, unite in away which would permit you to retain your full diversity and free choice for all your individual members (as suggested in this book), unite only in a common programme to regain or protect your rights, then, between you, you will far outnumber any other existing organisation which oppresses or threatens your rights and will actually for the first time constitute a world-wide and effective majority, possessing the strongest creative and defensive powers.

You can achieve this under a platform of mutual tolerance for all tolerant actions, a programme which will lastly lead to full autonomy for yourself and to the maximum chance to spread your ideals as widely as possible. What more could any rational and non-aggressive being ask for? Any other attempt is self-destructive in the long run. This programme offers united strength through the greatest possible toleration for diversity.

7

INTRODUCTION

To the Original German Manuscript, 1962

This book is not a captivating novel. It demands much from its readers and is difficult to read because (apart from its style and structure, for which I am to blame) it brings many new, contrary, "great" and abstract ideas, none of them popular, most of them opposed to conventional thinking on these subjects.

Only a few readers will possess sufficient knowledge, interest and ability to concentrate to enable them to read it in one sitting. It would indeed be surprising if a book on which the author worked for several years, mostly from 1958-1962, could be read and understood within a few hours. I must myself confess that the subject matter, in describing, developing and revising the text, has cost me so much mental labour that I could work only on a few pages in one sitting.

Thus I appeal to you to use this book at first only like a reference work. For this purpose the contents description and the alphabetical index have been rather detailed. One could begin to read this book almost anywhere, for instance in the appendix section: The draft of a new declaration of human rights, in Appendix I and the Peace Programme, in Appendix V, bring in concise form the main ideas of this book. The essays and excerpts (in Appendix. 11/1 - 11/7) from dePuydt, Herbert Spencer, J. G. Fichte etc., describe clearly enough, although not with all international implications, the most revolutionary idea in this book. (This idea is going to be developed in great detail in a planned separate book, most likely under the title: The Exterritorial Imperative.)

(See the growing encyclopaedia: "ON PANARCHY", of which so far 24 volumes on 24 LMP microfiche appeared and also the website www.panarchy.org established by Gian Piero de Bellis, which brings the classic article by dePuydt in French, English, German, Italian and Spanish - & much other material. - J.Z., 7.12.02.)

One can also read most of the seven major sections of this book by themselves.

From the beginning to the end one should read this book possibly only after repeated part-assaults of the above type - if one has thereby developed a sufficient interest in the details of the peace programme contained in these pages.

Naturally, you do not have to follow my advice - but do remember, you have been warned!

As many thoughts in this book will be new to most readers or contrary to many of their established opinions, I also ask you to hold back with your criticism to the end, when you have finally read everything in context. (Then, by all means, get stuck into these ideas, preferably by writing to me. I would love to put out a volume of criticism of this work together with my replies.)

I have (here!) intentionally failed to answer all objections which I have already heard or which might be made. This book would only have become still more voluminous and less legible as a result.

In this respect and right now I can only offer my assurance that there are probably few books which considered as much criticism against the own positions taken. (This will be proven to a large extent when I get around to publish in microfiche form an encyclopaedia of refutations of common myths, errors, prejudices and beliefs on social subjects.)

Once you have read and thought through all the reform proposals here made and their interrelationships then you can hardly fail to notice that most of the initial objections and doubts occurring during a first superficial reading do no longer apply. I have not, knowingly, ignored any of the many thousand objections which were held against me in the oral discussions of these subjects, or which I could think of myself. Unless I have answered at least a few dozen, if not a few hundred objections, to my own satisfaction, I do not take any position in writing, as a rule. At least I always try not to do so - particularly when an idea is close to my heart.

Many readers, after a cursory perusal, are likely to ask what many of the reforms here advanced have to do with the promotion of peace and whether they would not even contradict peaceful endeavours. Among the most frequent

8

are likely to be the following:

Is not the cause of peace directly opposed to all military preparations and revolutionary attempts?

Does a peace lover really have to have military knowledge? Does he have to be a revolutionary? Does he have to understand something of ethics, economics and sociology?

Some detailed answers to such questions are to be found in the corresponding sections of this book. Here it must suffice to indicate some of its basic ideas:

One of the characteristics of the military establishments and of modern wars is their tendency to perpetuate themselves, to cause ever new wars and military expenditures and even to threaten mankind with extinction. I hold that only serious peace lovers are able to advance the principles and practices of military science from conventional military barbarism to an advanced stage at which military forces of the present type would be dissolved, where atomic destructive devices would be disarmed as valueless and where the last "wars" which might still be justified and necessary: defensive wars against totalitarian States, would no longer deteriorate into total wars but, instead, would be reduced to mere police actions against a small group of political criminals.

Such efforts would obviously not require great military strength in the conventional sense, large sacrifices of blood and many destructive measures. Moreover, they could, without nuclear devices, be successfully conducted against an enemy regime armed with nuclear devices.

Lastly, such "wars" could realize reforms which would largely prevent wars in the future. (Compare Section VI.)

Moreover, only peace lovers who are also revolutionaries, could rapidly end wars by depriving those of the participating governments which do not conduct justified defensive wars, of all their powers.

Furthermore, it should be obvious that for the prevention of war peace lovers must also know how to overthrow dictators, like Hitler, in time - and how their mass extermination devices could be destroyed. (Compare Section V.)

Moral philosophy is required to understand that the recognition of certain new moral principles, a rightful order built upon them and certain protective organizations, are an essential foundation for the establishment of peace, especially for the prevention of nuclear war. (Compare Sections I, III and PEACE PLANS No. 16-17.)

Peace lovers also require economic knowledge to enable them to carry out the economic reforms which are essential to end economic and ideological motives for wars and to render the financing of wrongful wars impossible. (See on this Sections II and IV.)

Peace lovers must also study sociology to enable them to see what difficulties must be overcome and what new institutions must be established in order to bring to general recognition a peace programme that is practicable but which contradicts, so far, the opinions of the majority and is represented today only by a handful of people. (Compare Section VII.)

It will frequently happen that a reader will get lost in the thicket of these detailed proposals. For myself I doubt that one can really discuss too many details of the problems associated with establishing world peace. Those readers, who are getting lost, should be able to re-establish their bearings by referring to the extensive contents listing and to the alphabetical index. (They might also benefit from consulting the alphabetized handbook provided with PEACE PLANS Nos. 16-17.)

I would not have been able to fully and freely discuss the contents of this book publicly in my home town, in "free" West Berlin. My superiors in the public service organization I was working in, told me that such ideas would provoke the Soviets and that I would lose my job if I would not give up

9

propagating them. I preferred to give notice and to migrate to Australia, back in 1959 Here, again, I soon ended up in a public service job. But here and in such a job I never experienced, during 20 years, any difficulties

for having uttered any of my radical views. To that extent Australia is still a free country and I do appreciate it as such.

In conclusion of my introduction let me quote Immanuel Kant's still necessary defence of the utopists (in "Kritik der Reinen Vernunft" - Criticism of Pure Reason):

"The Platonic Republic has become proverbial as a supposedly extreme instance of dreamed-up perfection which could be situated only in the brain of an idle thinker. Brucker finds it even ridiculous that the philosopher asserted that a prince would never rule well unless he would understand certain ideas.

Yet one would do better to pursue this thought further and explain it through new endeavours (wherever Plato as a pioneer cannot help us) rather than merely condemn it as useless, under the miserable and harmful pretence of impracticability.

A constitution of the greatest human liberty, according to principles which assure that the freedom of each can coexist with the freedom of others, not of the greatest happiness, for this would automatically follow, is at least a necessary idea. Thus it should not only be taken as the basis for any first draft of a State constitution but also as the foundation for every law.

In this one should, initially, disregard any present hindrances as they might have arisen not at all or not inevitably out of human nature but rather out of the neglect of genuine ideas in legislation. For nothing can be found that is more harmful and less becoming to a philosopher than the common reference to supposedly contradictory experience - an experience which would not exist at all - if preparations had been made in time, in full accordance with genuine ideas, if the place for genuine ideas had not been occupied by rough concepts (rough precisely because they were merely taken from experience), which have obstructed all good intentions.

The more legislation and government are arranged in accordance with this idea, the rarer would coercion (penalties) become. Thus it is quite reasonable (as Plato asserts) that in a perfect arrangement of them no coercion (penalties) would be necessary any longer.

Although the latter may never be realized, nevertheless, the idea is quite right which sets up this maximum as the ultimate example towards which the lawful constitution of man should gradually strive, as closely as possible towards the greatest perfection.

For what will be the highest degree at which mankind will have to stand still and thus, how great the gulf between the idea and its execution (which, necessarily, will remain) will be, this cannot and may not be determined by anyone - precisely because we are concerned with freedom which may exceed any set limits." - (The last few words have been stressed by me. - J.Z.)

10

1 9 7 9 I N T R O D U C T I O N

TO THE ENGLISH TRANSLATION

 

 

This book is partly a translation and to a small extent a re-writing effort of a German book manuscript begun in 1958 and completed in 1962.

As I was then unable to get it published or publish it myself and also incapable to put it into understandable English, I took up my PEACE PLANS series in 1964, in which I published small sections and the main ideas of this book separately. Most of the German book publishers, whom I approached with this manuscript, rightly concluded that there was not sufficient demand for it to permit conventional book publishing. The conventional self-publishing houses were too expensive for me.

I postponed the large chore of translating this book until I could no longer say that my English was insufficient.

Inclusion in the PEACE PLANS series was postponed because of its size and the unsatisfactory appearance of books in small print (Compare Peace Plans Nos. 9-11) and the difficulties and work in binding and selling such books. (Compare Peace Plans Nos. 16-18.)

Now, with microfiche publishing, I have no longer any technical excuses or economic ones for not putting this translation out. I just have to produce one legible copy to get the master fiche made, order a small number of duplicates for immediate mailing and depend for the rest only upon your interest and your orders.

My thinking has changed and, supposedly, advanced in some respects since this manuscript was written. But this concerns mostly only details not fundamentals. As a coordinated over-view of the close relationship between individual liberty and international peace and as a practical programme on how to establish and maintain both, it is still unique in my opinion, judging by the books, magazines, papers and talks I have come across in the intervening 20 years.

Thus I offer here my translation with only some re-writing, omissions and additions. A full revision of this thesis I will have to leave to some future date. However imperfect this book still is, I want it at least microfiche published, at last.

Many of its ideas have already been described or hinted at in the PEACE PLANS series. Whole sections of the Appendix have been published there but the whole programme was never offered in context and complete and

detailed enough. Thus it has, possibly, not been understood by anyone yet. To achieve this, it has to be at least completely published. To achieve a wide-spread understanding, institutions like those described in Section VII have to be established first.

I firmly believe that this book, or rather the ideas it contains, has the chance to change the world, nay even to save it. Whether it will do so depends on you. As far as an individual can undertake the initial steps suggested in this programme, I am in one way or the other engaged in them - all too aware that the institutions required to allow an individual to succeed with such creative endeavours have to be established first.

The potential is there - but it cannot be fully or sufficiently mobilised without your involvement.

J. M. Zube, 5/79.

11

WHAT HAS TO BE CHANGED IN THE CONSTITUTIONS OF ALL STATES

TO MAKE A LASTING PEACE POSSIBLE

AND HOW CAN THESE REFORMS BE REALIZED?

PART I

What Fundamental Human Rights Have to Be Included in the Constitutions of all States to Assure Lasting World Peace and what Institutions Are to Be Established upon these Constitutional Changes?

A) Principles …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 25

Sec. I : What General New Human Rights Must Be Included in all Constitutions? ………………………….. 25

1. Introduction: Most Human Rights Apply only to Rational Beings …………………………………………. 25

2. Extension of the Principle of Tolerance …………………………………………………………………… 25

3. The Right of Individuals to Secede from a State - and Exterritorial & Autonomous Communities of

Volunteers ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 26

a) Definition of the Right of Individuals to Secede from a State ………………………………………... 26

b) Exterritorial and Autonomous Communities of Volunteers as Peace Promoters ……………………… 27

(How would the Exterritorial and Autonomous Communities of Volunteers resulting from the right to

secede be more able than the present States to establish and preserve world Peace? Would already the

mere exercise of the right to secede be peace promoting?)

Experimental freedom for social, economic and political experiments would prevent wars …………… 28

The arms race would come to an end ……………………………………………………………………. 29

A rational disarmament would become practicable ……………………………………………………... 29

The secret production of nuclear weapons would be made nearly impossible …..……… ……………… 30

Atomic weapons would be obviously useless ……………………………………………………………. 31

There would no longer remain an enemy territory or a territory to be defended. ………………………… 32

Frontiers and thereby all frontier wars would disappear ………………………………………………… 32

Civil wars would become very rare ……………………………………………………………………… 33

The communist world revolution would become difficult to impossible ………………………………… 33

Imperialist wars would no longer threaten ……………………………………………………………….. 34

Militarism would also end ……………………………………………………………………………….. 35

Instances of the conventional abuse of the principle of collective responsibility would become less

frequent …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 35

Nationalism, in its new form, would cease to disturb peace …………………………………………… .. 37

Racial strife would be reduced ……………………………………………………………………………. 38

Trade wars would cease …………………………………………………………………………………… 39

A widespread understanding between people of different nations would become possible ……………… 39

The number of motives for wars would be reduced ……………………………………………………… 40

The decision on war and peace would be made by the people themselves ………………………………. 41

Militias would be established to guarantee world peace …………………………………………………. 42

World federations would become easy to establish ……………………………………………………… 43

International Law would subsequently rest securely upon human rights ………………………………… 44

The timely declaration of rightful war and peace aims would either prevent or rapidly end wars ………. 44

Prisoners of war and deserters would become allies ……………………………………………………… 45

Governments-in-exile could be more easily established and would help to end wars more rapidly ……… 46

Peace treaties would be facilitated ………………………………………………………………………… 47

Separate peace treaties would shorten wars ……………………………………………………………….. 48

12

The preparation and conduct of wrongful wars would become more difficult ……………………………. 49

World peace would also be promoted by an extension of freedom of movement ………………………… 51

The war promoting weapons monopoly would be abolished ……………………………………………… 51

Conscription could no longer be practised ………………………………………………………………… 52

Dictators could be much more easily overthrown ………………………………………………………… 52

Disobedience towards the orders of war criminals would be promoted …………………………………… 54

General strikes would become obviously superfluous to achieve peace …………………………………… 54

Wrongful wars could no longer be financed against the will of the people ………………………………… 55

Tax strikes against governments preparing an unjust war would become feasible ……………………….. 55

The sovereignty of governments, to the extent that it can lead to wars. would be abolished ……………… 55

Summary …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 56

4. Right and duty to resist ……………………………………………………………………………………….. 58

5. Right to bear arms ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 59

6. The right to organise and train militarily ………………………………………………………………………. 60

7. Freedom of migration and movement …………………………………………………………………………. 60

8. Arbitration courts ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 62

9. Assemblies in the open air ……………………………………………………………………………………. 62

Sec. II: What Economic New Human Rights Are to Be Included in all Constitutions? …………………………. 64

1. Right to break monopolies …………………………………………………………………………………….. 65

2. Freedom to issue standardised and typified means of exchange without legal tender ………………………… 65

3. Freedom to choose any standard of value ……………………………………………………………………… 69

4. Right to refuse to accept inferior or suspected means of payment ……………………………………………. 69

5. Free Trade ……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 69

6. Freedom for and within productive cooperatives ……………………………………………………………… 70

B) Institutions …………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 72

Sec.III: To what Extent Have our Institutions and principles for the Protection of Human Rights to Be Changed?

What New Institutions for the Protection of Human Rights Have to Be Established? ………………………….. 72

1. The Protective Institutions of the Old Kind Have Failed …………………………………………………….. 73

2. Exterritorial and Autonomous Communities of Volunteers …………………………………………………… 74

3. A New Human Rights Declaration Is Necessary ……………………………………………………………… 75

4. International Arbitration Court ………………………………………………………………………………… 76

5. Local Militias and International Militia Federation ……………………………………………………………. 77

6. What Principles of International Law Have to Be Included in the Constitutions? …………………………….. 77

a) The Faults of the Old International Law ……………………………………………………………………. 77

b) The New International Law, Based Essentially on Human Rights ………………………………………… 79

c) Whose Laws Are to Apply in Cases of Arguments between Members of Different

Protective Associations? ……………………………………………………………………………………. 82

13

7. Referendums ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 81

a) Why is the parliamentary representative system on its own, without the possibility of

referendums, insufficient? ………………………………………………………………………………… 81

b) Why and on what subjects should there be referendums? ………………………………………………… 82

c) How would the introduction of exterritorial and autonomous communities of volunteers

affect referendums? ………………………………………………………………………………………… 83

d) Are the people to ignorant to decide rightfully in referendums? …………………………………………… 84

e) Would the people, unenlightened as they still are, at present, come too easily under the influence

of demagogues? …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 85

f) Are referendums suitable only for small States? …………………………………………………………… 86

8. Arbitration Courts ……………………………………………………………………………………………... 87

a) Why and to what extent should the sphere of private arbitration be enlarged? …………………………… 87

b) Some disadvantages of today's monopolistic and statist jurisdiction ……………………………………….. 88

c) Some general rules for arbitration courts …………………………………………………………………. 90

9. Recall of Officials …………………………………………………………………………………………... 90

10. Police Powers ………………………………………………………………………………………………. 91

11. Penal Institutions ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 91

12. Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 92

Sec. IV: What New Economic Institutions Are to Be Established upon the above Economic Rights? ………… 93

1. Private Banks of Issue which Issue Goods Warrants (etc.) instead of the Banknotes of the Old Kind …….. 94

1/1 Definition of goods warrants …………………………………………………………………………….. 94

1/2 Purpose of goods warrants ……………………………………………………………………………….. 94

1/3 General notes on the foundation of means of payment ………………………………………………….. 95

1/4 Shop-, debtor- & acceptance foundation as cover, instead of a metallic redemption fund ………………. 95

1/5 Currency unit (standard of value) ………………………………………………………………………… 96

1/6 Gold market, gold coins circulation and discount of goods warrants ……………………………………. 96

1/7 Goods warrants must not possess legal tender ……………………………………………………………. 96

1/8 Limited validity or circulation period of the goods warrants ……………………………………………. 97

1/9 Repeal of the legal claim of creditors to payment in cash ………………………………………………… 98

1/10 Text of goods warrants, denominations and typification ………………………………………………… 98

1/11 Limits of goods warrants issues ………………………………………………………………………….. 99

1/12 Discount of goods warrants …………………………………………………………………………… 100

1/13 Use of goods warrants …………………………………………………………………………………. 100

1/14 Forgeries ………………………………………………………………………………………………. 100

1/15 The granting of loans ………………………………………………………………………………….. 101

1/16 The circuits of goods warrants …………………………………………………………………………. 101

1/17 Loans on claims ………………………………………………………………………………………… 101

1/18 Claims which can be discounted or serve as basis for loans …………………………………………… 102

1/19 Condition for loans: no price increases ………………………………………………………………… 102

1/20 Maximum amount for credits ………………………………………………………………………….. 102

1/21 Business area …………………………………………………………………………………………… 102

1/22 Fee for the use of goods warrants ………………………………………………………………………. 102

1/23 Repayment and cancellation ……………………………………………………………………………. 102

1/24 Repayment with clearing bills issued by oneself ………………………………………………………. 103

1/25 Debt foundation as guaranty for the reflux of goods warrants …………………………………………. 103

1/26 Surcharge in cases of repayments with other means of exchange ……………………………………… 103

14

1/27 Reflux by Means of the Purchase of Goods Warrants …………………………………………………. 103

1/28 Time Limit for Loans …………………………………………………………………………………… 104

1/29 Repayment in Instalments ……………………………………………………………………………… 104

1/30 Legal Form of the Issuing Centre ……………………………………………………………………….. 104

1/31 No Business Secrets ……………………………………………………………………………………. 104

1/32 Clearing Centre …………………………………………………………………………………………. 104

1/33 The Position of Employers in the Goods Warrants System …………………………………………….. 104

1/34 The Advantages of the Goods Warrants System for the Workers ……………………………………… 105

1/35 The Advantages of the Goods Warrants System for Wholesalers ……………………………………… 105

1/36 The Advantages of the Goods Warrants System for Independent Professionals ………………………. 105

1/37 Individuals as Issuers of Goods Warrants ……………………………………………………………… 106

1/38 Goods Warrants Issued by Large Firms ………………………………………………………………… 106

1/39 Principles and Conditions for the Granting of Long-Term Credits in Goods Warrants by the

Shop-Association Bank …………………………………………………………………………………. 106

2. Paper Money without Legal Tender but with Tax Foundation ……………………………………………….. 108

2/1 Freedom to Issue - even for the Treasury ………………………………………………………………….. 108

2/2 What Is State Paper Money when it Is not Redeemable and Does not Possess the

Legal Tender Characteristic? ………………………………………………………………………………. 109

2/3 What Is the Essence of Tax Foundation? …………………………………………………………………… 109

2/4 Why Should such Paper Money never Possess Legal Tender? …………………………………………….. 110

2/5 When Must the Issue of Tax Warrants Cease? …………………………………………………………… 111

2/6 Value-Preserving State Paper Money can only Be Issued upon Short-Term Tax Claims ……………….. 111

2/7 No Monopoly for the Issue of such Means of Payment ………………………………………………….. 112

2/8 Gold-Clearing Currency ………………………………………………………………………………….. 112

2/9 Surcharge in Cases of Tax Payments with other Means of Exchange …………………………………… 112

2/10 Limited Validity for Tax Warrants? ……………………………………………………………………… 113

2/11 No Secrecy for the Issue of Tax Warrants ……………………………………………………………….. 113

2/12 Summary ………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 113

3. Gold Clearing Currency within a Free Market for Gold and all other Metals which Con Serve as Standard of Value and as means of payment ………………………………………………………………………………… 114

4. Free Trade System, introduced by Free Ports and Free Trade Zones ………………………………………… 115

4/1 The Fundamental Aims of Free Trade ……………………………………………………………………… 115

4/2 Principles and Facts upon which Free Traders Rest their Case ……………………………………………. 116

4/3 The Ideal of Protectionists ………………………………………………………………………………… 116

4/4 Free Trade and Tolerance …………………………………………………………………………………. 117

4/5 Precedents ………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 117

4/6 Details on the Free Trade Zones to Be Established ……………………………………………………… 118

4/7 It Is up to the Protectionists to Arrange for the Barriers to their Trade which they Believe they Need …… 118

4/8 What Will Free Trade Associations Use as Means of Payment? …………………………………………… 119

a) Payment with Foreign Exchange ………………………………………………………………………… 119

b) Payment with the State Paper Money currently circulating .…………………………………………... 119

c) Payment with Gold Coins and Gold Deposit Certificates ……………………………………………… 120

d) Payment with Gold-Value-Clearing-Certificates ………………………………………………………. 120

4/ 9 Should Free Trade be Introduced even with Communist Governments? ……………………………… 121

4/10 Is the Transition to Free Trade too Difficult? …………………………………………………………… 121

4/11 Is Free Trade only Good for some People and Harmful ………………………………………………… 122

for others?

15

5. Productive Cooperatives ……………………………………………………………………………………… 123

5/1 Principle : Everyone Becomes an Owner of Means of Production ……………………………………… 124

5/2 Cooperative Property as Distinct from the so-called People's Property ………………………………….. 124

5/3 Establishment of Productive Cooperatives through the Purchase of Existing Enterprises ……………….. 125

5/4 Will the Unions Prevent these Reforms? …………………………………………………………………. 126

5/5 Closed Cooperatives as Opposed to Open Cooperatives …………………………………………………. 126

5/6 Main Problems: Management and Marketing …………………………………………………………….. 126

5/7 Distribution of Profits …………………………………………………………………………………… 127

5/8 Appeal to the Capital Market, when Necessary ………………………………………………………….. 127

5/9 Responsibility of Members ………………………………………………………………………………. 127

5/10 The Organs of the Cooperative ………………………………………………………………………… 127

5/11 Particular Advantages of Cooperative Production ……………………………………………………… 128

a) No more Strikes …………………………………………………………………………………………. 128

b) Rationalisation ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 128

c) Increase of Productivity by Subdivision of Large Cooperatives into small subgroups ………………… 129

d) Higher Quality of Products ……………………………………………………………………………… 130

e) Personal Independence …………………………………………………………………………………... 130

f) Working Hours ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 130

g) Earnings ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 130

h) Management Mistakes Will Become less Frequent …………………………………………………….. 130

i) "Go Slow" Policies Will End ……………………………………………………………………………. 131

j) Jobs according to Ability ………………………………………………………………………………… 131

k) Increase of Productivity through Job Rotation in Relatively Simple and Monotonous Jobs …………. 131

l) Theft and Embezzlement Will Be Reduced ……………………………………………………………... 132

m) Waste and Abuse through Neglect and Maliciousness Will Become Less Frequent ……………………. 132

n) Amenities ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 132

o) Less Supervision Required ……………………………………………………………………………… 132

p) Superfluous Jobs Reduced ……………………………………………………………………………….. 132

q) Corruption Avoided ……………………………………………………………………………………... 132

r) Just Determination of the Individual Share in the Profits ……………………………………………… 133

5/12 Summary ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 133

6. Open Cooperatives According to Theodor Hertzka to Abolish the Monopoly Position of those

Natural Monopolies which Do not Deserve Recognition. ……………………………….…………………… 134

6/1 Unlimited Acceptance of New Members ……………………………………………….……………… 134

6/2 Participatory Decision Making by all those Interested ……….………………………………………… 135

6/3 All Business Open to Public Scrutiny ………………………………………………………………….. 136

6/4 The Essence of Open Cooperatives …………………………………………………………………….. 136

6/5 Any Remaining Monopoly Earnings Will Be Donated by the Open Cooperatives ……………………. 137

6/6 Land Monopoly ………………………………………………………………………………………… 137

6/7 Real Estate Property and Right to Living Space ………………………………………………………. 138

6/8 Conversion of Monopoly Enterprises into Open Cooperatives Means their Proper Socialisation

or Transformation into Free Market Enterprises ………………………………………………………… 139

7. Free and Private Building and Housing Market ……………………………………………………………….. 140

7/1 House Building Must Be Liberated ……………………………………………………………………… 141

7/2 Disadvantages of the Provision of Housing by the State ………………………………………………… 142

7/3 How Should Private House Building Be Financed? ……………………………………………………… 142

7/4 Tax Exemption for New Buildings and Building Credits ……………………………………………….. 142

7/5 Development of Saving and Building Cooperatives ……………………………………………………. 143

7/6 Rationalisation of Building ……………………………………………………………………………… 143

7/7 Cooperatives of Building Workers ……………………………………………………………………… 144

16

8. Private Social Insurance Companies …………………………………………………………………………... 144

8/1 Repeal of Compulsory Insurance with a Monopolistic Insurance Authority ………………………… 144

8/2 Self-Financing of the Private Social Insurance Companies with their Own Contribution Money .……… 144

8/3 Abolition of Interest Ceilings …………………………………………………………………………… 144

8/4 Safeguarding Insurance Fund Investments by the Reform of the Trustee Acts ………………………… 145

8/5 Decentralisation into Many Local Insurance Cooperatives …………………………………………….. 146

8/6 Separation of the Old Age from the Invalidity Insurance ………………………………………………. 146

9. Free and Private Exchanges ………………………………………………………………………………… 146

10. Voluntary Taxation …………………………………………………………………………………………. 147

11. Unemployment "Insurance" ………………………………………………………………………………… 149

12. Employment Agencies ……………………………………………………………………………………… 150

13. Private and Competitive Transport Services ………………………………………………………………… 150

14. Private and Competitive Energy Supply 151

14/1 No Monopoly for any Power Plant …………………………………………………………………… 151

14/2 Socialisation (via Open Cooperatives) for those Power Plans with a

Natural Monopoly Position …………………………………………………………………………… 151

14/3 No Nuclear Power Plants ……………………………………………………………………………... 151

a) They are Monopoly Enterprises ……………………………………………………………………. 151

b) They Can Be Abused for Military Purposes ……………………………………………………….. 152

14/4 Supply of Future Energy Requirements through the Opening up of New and Development of Old,

Cheap and, Contrary to Nuclear Energy, Harmless Energy Sources …………………………………… 152

15. Private Postal Services ………………………………………………………………………………………. 153

16. Private Water Works …………………………………………………………………………………………. 153

17. Private Garbage Removal ……………………………………………………………………………………. 153

18. Local Federations of Exterritorial and Autonomous Communities of Volunteers ………………………….. 154

18/1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 154

18/2 Remarks on some Possible Tasks of such Local Federations ………………………………………….. 154

18/3 Community Assembly as the Supreme Body ………………………………………………………….. 155

18/4 Financing of Common Expenditures ………………………………………………………………….. 155

19. Summary of Section IV ……………………………………………………………………………………. 155

17

PART TWO

HOW CAN THE REFORMS,

DESCRIBED IN THE ABOVE FOUR SECTIONS, BE REALIZED? …………………………………... 156

C) FORCEFUL REALISATION WHERE NECESSARY …………………………………………………… 156

Sec. V: REALISATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND OF THE NATURAL RIGHTS OF RATIONAL BEINGS, AND THEREBY OF PEACE, BY R E V O L U T I O N S TO OVERTHROW THE DICTATORIAL REGIMES ………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 156

1. Introduction …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 157

2. What Is a Revolution? ………………………………………………………………………………………… 157

3. When Is a Revolution Justified? ……………………………………………………………………………… 157

4. Against Whom and What Shall a Revolution Be Directed? ………………………………………………….. 158

5. Who Should Carry out the Revolution? ………………………………………………………………………. 158

6. A Programme Is Necessary …………………………………………………………………………………… 159

7. Final Aims of the Revolution Necessary Today ………………………………………………………………. 159

8. What Means and Methods Must not Be Used by Revolutionaries? …………………………………………... 160

8/1 Mass Extermination Devices ……………………………………………………………………………. 160

8/2 General Strike …………………………………………………………………………………………… 160

8/3 Conscription ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 161

8/4 Plunder and Requisitioning ……………………………………………………………………………… 162

8/5 Payment with Requisitioning Certificates or Inflated Paper Money ……………………………………. 162

8/6 A State of Siege …………………………………………………………………………………………. 163

8/7 Blockade Measures ……………………………………………………………………………………… 163

8/8 Measures Based upon the Principle of Collective Responsibility ………………………………………. 163

8/9 Annihilation of the Army of the Dictator ………………………………………………………………. 163

8/10 Torture, Rape and other Cruelties ………………………………………………………………………. 163

8/11 Arson ……………………………………………………………………………………………………. 164

8/12 General Sabotage ………………………………………………………………………………………. 164

8/13 Treatment of all Officers and Public Servants of the Dictator as Enemies ……………………………. 165

8/14 The "No Pardon!" Practice as well as the Treatment of those who Were Conscripted against the

Revolutionaries as Enemies and Prisoners of War ……………………………………………………... 165

8/15 Unlimited Central Revolutionary Authority …………………………………………………………… 166

8/16 Espionage ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 166

8/17 Intoxication ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 166

8/18 Barricades ………………………………………………………………………………………………. 167

8/19 Flags ……………………………………………………………………………………………………. 167

8/20 Abuse of Prisoners …………………………………………………………………………………….. 167

9. What Means and Methods Should Be Used by Libertarian Revolutionaries? ………………………………… 167

9/1 Strict Respect for Human Rights and the Natural Rights of Rational Beings …………………………….. 167

9/2 Organisational Measures …………………………………………………………………………………. 168

9/3 Military Measures …………………………………………………………………………………………. 171

a) The Revolution Should Begin with a Military Insurrection ……………………………………………… 171

b) Initial Meetings of Soldiers ……………………………………………………………………………….. 171

c) Secession from the Army and Establishment of the Militia ……………………………………………… 171

d) The First Small Actions of the Revolutionary Militia ……………………………………………………. 172

e) Amnesty and Outlawry …………………………………………………………………………………… 173

f) Peace Declaration Towards Foreign Countries …………………………………………………………… 174

g) Disarmament with Regard to Weapons which Infringe Human Rights ………………………………….. 174

h) Where Should the Revolution Start? ……………………………………………………………………… 176

i) Timing the Beginning of the Revolution ………………………………………………………………….. 177

j) How to Prevent a New Military Dictatorship …………………………………………………………….. 177

18

9/4 Economic Measures of the Revolutionaries ………………………………………………………………... 177

A) Monetary Revolution …………………………………………………………………………………... 177

a) Occupation and Closure of the Central Bank

b) Proclamation of:

the Repeal of Legal Tender & of the Monopoly Position of the Central Bank,

the Freedom to Issue Means of Payment and the Right to Engage in Clearing whenever this

is Possible. …………………………………………………………………………………………... 178

c) Establishment and Initiation of Numerous Clearing Centres and Banks of Issue,

Especially of Cooperative Banks of Retailers ………………………………………………………. 178

d) Proclamation of Freedom in the Choice of Standards of Value and Establishment

of a Free Gold Market and Introduction of the Gold Clearing Currency …………………………… 179

B) Financing of the Revolution …………………………………………………………………………….. 179

a) Some Remarks on the Importance of the Ability to Pay as Foundation

for a Successful Revolution …………………………………………………………………………... 179

b) What Is the Influence of a Revolution upon Payments and Credits? ………………………………... 180

c) Financing of a Fighting Revolutionary Militia Army ………………………………………………… 180

c/1 Cash Payments instead of Pillage ………………………………………………………………... 180

c/2 Issue of Tax Foundation Money …………………………………………………………………. 181

c/3 Tax Levies and Use of these Funds ………………………………………………………………. 181

c/4 Usage of Rare Metal Coins ………………………………………………………………………. 182

c/5 Issue of Shop Foundation Money and Clearing Certificates ……………………………………... 182

d) The Importance of the Monetary Revolution for the Financing and

the Victory of the Revolution ………………………………………………………………………… 183

e) Shortening of Wage Payment Periods ………………………………………………………………. 184

f) Financing of Larger Resistance Groups before he Outbreak of the General Revolution …………… 184

C) Various Economic and Social Reform Measures of the Revolutionaries ……………………………… 186

a) Tax Strike ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 186

b) Refusal to Accept the Paper Money of the Dictator ………………………………………………… 187

c) Protection of Property ……………………………………………………………………………….. 189

d) Preservation and Use of Transport Facilities ………………………………………………………… 189

e) Repeal of all Legal Monopolies and Economic Restrictions ………………………………………... 189

f) Repeal of all Quotas ………………………………………………………………………………….. 189

g) Repeal of Price Control ……………………………………………………………………………… 190

h) Free Trade in Agricultural Products ………………………………………………………………… 190

i) Free Choice of Professions? Training Opportunities and Jobs ………………………………………. 190

j) Transformation of all National Enterprises into Ordinary or Open Cooperatives …………………… 190

k) Establishment of Free Trade Relations with Foreign Countries ……………………………………... 190

l) Unrestricted Sales of the State's Food Stores to the Population ……………………………………... 191

m) Provision of Work for all those Rendered Unemployed through the Revolution …………………. 191

n) Abolition of the Housing Shortage ………………………………………………………………….. 191

o) Establishment of Guaranty Associations ……………………………………………………………. 191

p) Recognition of Indemnification Claims only in a few Extreme Cases ……………………………... 191

19

10. What Can Already Now Be Done in the Free Countries to Prepare a Revolution against a Dictatorship like that of the Soviets? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………. 193

10/1 The Social Reforms which Are to Be Realized in the Dictatorial States in a Revolutionary Way,

Are, first of all, to Be Realized in a Peaceful Way in the Relatively Free Countries …………………. 193

10/2 An Academy for Revolutionaries …………………………………………………………………….. 193

10/3 The Sketch of a Revolutionary Programme, here Supplied, Must Be further Developed ……………. 194

10/4 Publication of the Revolutionary Programme in the Countries under Despotic Regimes ……………. 194

10/5 Guaranties for the Rightful and Peaceful Intentions of the People in the Western Countries towards the

Oppressed under Dictatorships ………………………………………………………………………... 195

10/6 Unlimited Acceptance of Refugees and Deserters …………………………………………………… 195

10/7 Employment and Accommodation for Refugees and Deserters ……………………………………… 196

10/8 Establishment of Exterritorial and Autonomous Communities of Volunteers in the West and

Promotion of such Associations formed by Refugees and Deserters …………………………………. 197

10/9 Teaching the Language Prevailing in Despotically Governed Countries ……………………………… 198

10/10 Preparation of Trade Relations ………………………………………………………………………. 198

10/11 Storage and Smuggling in of Communication Kits …………………………………………………… 199

10/12 Unilateral Destruction of all Nuclear Weapons ……………………………………………………….. 199

10/13 Tyrannicide ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 201

10/14 Appeal to the Oppressed Population to Let themselves Be Trained, Militarily, by the

Dictators ………………………………………………………………………………………………. 201

11. Suggestions for Resistance Groups before the Outbreak of the General Revolution ………………………... 201

12. Tasks for the Resistance Groups …………………………………………………………………………….. 202

13. Open Word to the Soviet Government, the Rulers of Red China and to all other Despotic Regimes ……… 203

 

Sec. VI: THE ORGANIZATION OF MILITIAS FOR THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS

AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF WORLD PEACE

AND THEIR CONDUCT AND PROGRAMME IN WAR AND PEACE ……………………………. 204

1. Is the Militia a Rightful Institution? …………………………………………………………………………... 205

2. Is the Militia Necessary for the Protection of Human Rights? ……………………………………………… 206

3. On the Objection that the Weapons Monopoly Must not Be Repealed ……………………………………… 207

4. General Aims and Particular Tasks of the Militia ……………………………………………………………. 209

4/1 Realisation and Protection of Human Rights and the Natural Rights of Rational Beings ……………….. 209

4/2 Resisting and Disarming Organizations Opposed to Human Rights ……………………………………... 210

4/3 Some Examples of Rights to Be Protected by the Militia ……………………………………………….. 210

4/4 Abolition of the Threat of Nuclear War ………………………………………………………………….. 212

4/5 Abolition of the Danger of War altogether ………………………………………………………………. 213

4/6 Tasks of the International Militia Federation …………………………………………………………….. 213

a) Support for the Rightful endeavours of the U.N. ……………………………………………………… 213

b) Reform of the U.N. …………………………………………………………………………………... 214

c) Abolition of Dictatorial Regimes …………………………………………………………………….. 214

d) Determining: Who is the Aggressor? ………………………………………………………………… 215

4/7 Abolition of Standing Armies ……………………………………………………………………………. 219

4/8 Decision on War and Peace ………………………………………………………………………………. 219

20

5. Structure and Organization of the Militia ……………………………………………………………………... 222

5/1 Local Organization ……………………………………………………………………………………….. 222

5/2 Voluntary Membership …………………………………………………………………………………... 222

5/3 Oath to Uphold Human Rights …………………………………………………………………………... 222

5/4 Autonomy of the Militia ………………………………………………………………………………… 223

5/5 Kind of Armament ………………………………………………………………………………………. 224

5/6 General Rights of Members of the Militia ……………………………………………………………….. 224

a) Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 224

b) Freedom of Speech and Press ………………………………………………………………………… 225

c) Right to Assemble and Associate ……………………………………………………………………… 225

d) Right to Petition ……………………………………………………………………………………….. 225

e) Freedom of Information ………………………………………………………………………………... 225

f ) Right and Duty to Keep Secrets ……………………………………………………………………….. 226

g) Individual Responsibility ………………………………………………………………………………. 226

h) Voluntarism ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 226

i) What Rights Will Be Restricted through the Duty to Resist and to Keep Secrets? …………………….. 226

5/7 The Military Obedience Arising out of the Right and Duty to Resist - and Its Limits …………………… 227

5/8 Election of Militia Officers ………………………………………………………………………………. 228

5/9 Recall of Militia Officers, in certain Cases, by their Subordinates ……………………………………… 230

5/10 Are Professional Soldiers Necessary? ………………………………………………………………….. 231

5/11 The Supreme Commander ……………………………………………………………………………… 231

5/12 Mobilising the Militia: The "On-The-Minute-Man" System …………………………………………… 231

5/13 Publicness of Aims, Meetings and Actions of the Militia .……………………………………………… 232

5/14 Part-time Soldiers, Unpaid ……………………………………………………………………………… 232

5/15 Support in Peace Time …………………………………………………………………………………… 232

5/16 Training and Exercises …………………………………………………………………………………… 233

5/17 Membership ……………………………………………………………………………………………... 233

a) Acceptance …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 233

b) Age Limit …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 234

c) Right to Leave ………………………………………………………………………………………… 234

d) Exclusion …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 234

5/18 Age Structure of Different Units ………………………………………………………………………… 234

5/19 Military Penal Code of the Militia ………………………………………………………………………. 235

5/20 Jurisdiction ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 235

5/21 Insurance of Members …………………………………………………………………………………… 236

5/22 Promotion System ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 236

5/23 No Class Distinctions between Officers and Men …………………………………………………………. 237

6. Can the Militia Become a Threat to Human Rights? ……………………………………………………….. 237

7. How Should the Militia Be Established in the Free and Democratic States? ………………………………… 237

8. Relationship of the Newly Established Militias to the Armies of the Old Type ……………………………... 238

9. International instead of National Organization of the Militia ………………………………………………. 238

10. The Army of Cromwell: A Historical Precedent for the Militia Here Proposed ……………………………..239

11. Methods and Principles of Warfare Conducted by the Militia ………………………………………………. 240

11/1 Introduction : Why Must Peace Lovers Arm and Train themselves and Prepare for the

Conduct of a War? ……………………………………………………………………………………… 240

11/2 General Principle of the Militia for Conducting War ………………………………………………….. 241

11/3 What Actions Must not Be Committed by Militia Men? ………………………………………………. 241

a) Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 241

b) Treatment of all Soldiers, Officers and other Subjects of the Enemy Regime as Enemies ……… 241

c) Raids against Civilians and Constructions Serving mainly Civil Purposes ………………………… 241

21

d) The Taking and Punishment of Hostages …………………………………………………………... 242

e) Blockades ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 242

f) Wrongful Siege Measures …………………………………………………………………………… 242

g) Use of Mass Extermination Devices ………………………………………………………………… 242

h) Confiscation of Foreign Investments ………………………………………………………………… 242

i) Plunder, Requisitioning or Payment with Inferior Means of Payment ……………………………….. 243

j) Cruelties, Rapes, Arson ……………………………………………………………………………… 243

k) Scorched Earth Measures ……………………………………………………………………………. 243

l) Sabotage Acts (indiscriminate ones!) ………………………………………………………………... 243

m) Military Police ……………………………………………………………………………………….. 243

n) Compulsory Identity Cards in Occupied Territories ………………………………………………… 243

11/4 Warfare as Conducted by the Militia A Kind of Military Jiu Jitsu ………………………………………… 244

a) Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 244

b) Initiation of Military Insurrections and Revolutions against the Enemy Dictator ………………………. 244

c) Appeal to Desert, Directed to the Soldiers and Civilian Subject of the Dictator ………………………… 244

d) Special Negotiations with Officers on the other Side to Achieve their Cooperation …………………… 249

e) Separate Peace Treaties with whole Military Units of the Dictatorship …………………………………. 249

f) Establishment of Governments-in-Exile and Conclusion of Peace Treaties with them ………………….. 250

g) Details on the Proper Treatment of Deserters and Captured Conscripts ………………………………... 251

h) Employment and Accommodation for Deserters ……………………………………………………….. 251

i) Promotion of Exterritorial and Autonomous Communities formed by Defectors etc. ………………….. 252

j) Language Instruction in all Languages Prevailing in Dictatorial Countries …………………………….. 252

k) Food Drops instead of Bomb Raids ……………………………………………………………………. 252

l) Proclamation of Rightful War Aims …………………………………………………………………….. 253

m) One-Sided Peace Declaration ……………………………………………………………………………. 256

n) Timely Publication of the Programme of the Militia ……………………………………………………. 258

o) Tyrannicide ………………………………………………………………………………………………. 258

p) Observance of International Law and the International Law on Warfare, especially of the Hague

Convention, to the extent that they rest upon the recognition of Human Rights ………………………… 261

q) What Should Be Done instead of Taking Hostages? ……………………………………………………. 263

r) Action towards Nationalistic Terrorists ………………………………………………………………… 264

s) Treatment of Prisoners of War in the Old Sense ………………………………………………………… 265

t) To what Extent Would the Militia Use Destruction as a Military Means? ………………………………. 266

u) Measures to Prevent Rapes ………………………………………………………………………………. 269

v) Public Appeals as Weapons ……………………………………………………………………………… 270

11/5 Some Remarks on the Financing of the Warfare of the Militia …………………………………………… 272

22

D) ENLIGHTENING PROPAGANDA, WHERE POSSIBLE ………………………………………………… 277

Sec.VII: HOW CAN THE REFORM IDEAS ADVANCED IN THIS PROGRAMME BE SUFFICIENTLY SPREAD IN THE DEMOCRATIC STATES? ………………………………………………………………….. 277

1. Introduction …………………………………………………………………………………………………... 278

2. Discussion Centres to Promote the Free Exchange of Opinions ……………………………………………... 278

2/1 The Right of Men and Citizens to Freedom of Expression and Freedom of Information ……………… 278

2/2 What Is Required to Promote the Free Exchange of Opinions? …………………………………………. 278

2/3 How Should Discussions in a Discussion Centre be organised to Facilitate Opinion Exchanges? ……… 279

2/4 Some Advantages of such Discussion Centres …………………………………………………………… 280

2/5 Some Details on these Centres ……………………………………………………………………………. 281

2/6 How Could the First Discussion Centre in a Large Town Be Established? ……………………………… 281

3. Meeting Centres in the Open Air ……………………………………………………………………………. 282

3/1 The Basic Proposal ………………………………………………………………………………………. 282

3/2 What Advantages Are Offered by such Places? ……………………………………………………… 282

3/3 On the Importance of such Meeting Places …………………………………………………………….. 283

3/4 Details on these Institutions and their Equipment ………………………………………………………. 284

3/5 Some Remarks on their Establishment …………………………………………………………………. 285

4. Magazines for the Free Exchange of Opinions ……………………………………………………………….. 285

4/1 For Whom Should such Magazines Be Published and what Is their Aim? ……………………………. 285

4/2 Why Are such Magazines Necessary? ………………………………………………………………….. 286

4/3 Are they Made Superfluous by the Fact that many Magazines Have Letters to the Editor? … ………… 287

4/4 Why Have such Magazines not yet Been Established? …………………………………………………. 287

4/5 Subjects for the Proposed Magazines …………………………………………………………………… 287

4/6 What Kind of Contributions Should these Magazines Publish Preferentially,

according to their Discretion?…………………………………………………………………………….. 288

4/7 Principles and Conditions for the Publication of Contributions Made by the Readers …………………. 288

4/8 Solution of the Problems Arising from the Limited Space Available for Contributions ………………. 289

4/9 Periodical Meetings of Readers …………………………………………………………………………. 290

4/10 How Should such Magazines Be Distributed? ………………………………………………………….. 290

4/11 Some Suggestions for the Establishment of such Magazines ………………………………………….. 291

4/12 Proposals on how to Finance them ……………………………………………………………………… 292

4/13 Some Characteristics of these Magazines which Will Facilitate their Financing ………………………. 293

5. Magazines for the Timely and Sufficient Announcement of all Lecture and Discussion Events at which

Guests Are Welcome (Meeting Calendars) …………………………………………………………………… 293

6. Archive of Social Reform Ideas and the Addresses of Social Reformers …………………………………… 294

6/1 The Importance of Social Reform Ideas …………………………………………………………………. 294

6/2 What Obstacles Exist for the Realisation of Social Reform Ideas? ……………………………………… 295

6/3 What Should Be Done to Facilitate the Realisation of Social Reform Ideas? …………………………. 298

6/4 What Particular Advantages Would this Archive Have to Offer? ……………………………………… 298

6/5 Principles and Conditions of the Archive ………………………………………………………………. 300

23

6/6 How Could this Archive Be Established? ………………………………………………………………… 300

6/7 The Archive here Proposed Is merely Part of a General Archive for Ideas and Talents ………………… 301

7. An Encyclopaedia of Wide-Spread Prejudices, Errors and Fallacies - which Obstruct Social Progress - together with the Best Refutations so far Found: for Use in all Discussions on Economic, Social & Political Problems. 301

7/1 On the Spread of Prejudices …………………………………………………………………………… 301

7/2 On the Importance of Prejudices ……………………………………………………………………….. 302

7/3 On the Ease of Accepting and Spreading Prejudices, Errors and Fallacies …………………………… 303

7/4 On the Difficulties of Attempts to Refute Prejudices, Errors and Fallacies …………………………… 304

7/5 What Is Required to Fight Prejudices? ………………………………………………………………….. 308

7/6 Proposal: Compilation and Publication of an Encyclopaedia of Wide-Spread Prejudices, Errors and Wrong

Conclusions together with their Best Refutations ……………………………………………………… 309

7/7 What Advantages would this Encyclopaedia Offer? …………………………………………………… 310

7/8 How Should It Be Established? …………………………………………………………………………. 312

7/9 How, Where, When and What For Should this Encyclopaedia Be Used? ……………………………… 313

7/10 Some Technical Details of this Planned Encyclopaedia ……………………………………………….. 313

7/11 Would this Encyclopaedia Render the above Discussed Tolerance & Experimental Freedom

Superfluous or vice versa? ……………………………………………………………………………… 314

8. Flow-Chart Discussions ……………………………………………………………………………………… 314

8/1 What Is a Flow-Chart Discussion? ……………………………………………………………………. 314

8/2 What Advantages Does it Offer? ………………………………………………………………………. 315

8/3 How Can it Be Carried Out? …………………………………………………………………………….. 316

9. Programme for a Genuinely Cultural Revolution ……………………………………………………………. 317

10. Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 328

 

A P P E N D I X: ………………………………………… 329

I. Draft of a New Declaration of those Human Rights and Natural Rights of Rational Beings

II. Some Contributions to Explain the Proposal to Establish Exterritorial and Autonomous Communities

of Volunteers - in Order to Achieve World Peace …………………………………………………………… 350

1. Johann Gottlieb Fichte: "Beitrag zur Berichtigung der Urteile des Publikums ueber die Franzoesische

Revolution" (Contribution to Rectify Public Opinion on the French Revolution ), 1793,

Extract from Book 1, chapter 3. ……………………………………………………………………………… 350

2. P. E. DePuydt: "Panarchie" (Panarchy), Revue Trimestrielle, Brussels, 1860. ……………………………… 358

For updated French, German, Italian, English & Spanish texts see: www.panarchy.org

3. Herbert Spencer: Social Contract, 1850, Extract from chapters XIX and XXI. ……………………………… 369

4. Werner Ackermann, Appeal to Establish a Cosmopolitan Union, 1931, …………………………………….. 374

5. Ulrich von Beckerath: Draft for the next Peace Treaty with Russia, July 1933 ……………………………… 375

6. Edward Gibbon: The Laws of the Barbarians, an extract from vol. 4, chapter 38 of his famous work. ……… 379

7. Comparison of Anarchism with the New Social System Proposed in this Book …………………………… 380

24

III. Has Passive Resistance a Chance for Success? …………………………………………………………… 382

IV. Some Remarks on the Theory that the Security of the "Free World" could be guaranteed by the deterrent

effect of Nuclear Weapons ………………………………………………………………………………… 386

V. A Summary of the Main Points of this Book ………………………………………………………………. 390

VI. Alphabetical Index ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 393

==================================================================================

SOME FILLERS ADDED TO THE MICROFICHE EDITION OF THIS BOOK: ……………………… 447 - 483

1.) LIBERTARIANS FOR LIFE: The Abortion Debate from the Libertarian Pro-Life Perspective, 16pp ……. 448

The articles are listed on page 448.

2.) Edwin Vieira, Jr., The "Right of Abortion": A Dogma in Search of a Rationale. A response to Murray Rothbard,

Tibor Machan & Walter Block, n.d., 8 pages ………………………………………………………………… 464

There is a connection between abortion and warn in the readiness to kill innocents under all kinds of excuses,

but I will not try to elaborate on this connection here and now, having dealt with the subject at some length

elsewhere before, in my PEACE PLANS series. - J.Z., 7.12.08.

3.) LIBERTARIAN MICROFICHE PUBLISHING, Alphabetical Author Listing, MARCH 1982, 12 pp ……. 472

Added here because it was added to PEACE PLANS 61-63. Four other items, that were fiched in PP 61-65,

are still omitted here. They are listed on page 447. I have probably microfilmed them somewhere else.

J.Z., 7.12.02.

==================================================================================

Another self-advertising which followed the above Contents list in PP 61-63: (The figures then given are naturally dated by now:

LIBERTARIAN MICROFICHE PUBLISHING WANTS YOUR BOOK MANUSCRIPTS AND ESSAYS for non-exclusive microfiche publishing.

I charge for this at present $ 25 per 98 pages. For this you get 25 "free" copies and can at any time order more, per ordinary mail, at $ 25 per 100.

All other kinds of libertarian material, previously published but out of print or in low impressions only - and not under copyrights restrictions, at least for this publishing - is also wanted, under the same conditions.

Sponsor your favourite libertarian literature as cheaply. Help to make it available in this form upon demand and prevent it from every getting out of print again.

A 52 page introductory booklet to micrographics, written especially for libertarians, offset: "GONE FICHING - FOR LIBERTY", will be sent by ordinary mail for $ 1.

PEACE PLANS No. 46, on fiche, listing in detail the contents of PEACE PLANS Nos. 1-45 and also the publishing programme of Libertarian Microfiche Publishing, will be sent free, upon request, by ordinary mail.

Microfiche publishing, through me or others, offers you a very cheap opportunity for the self-publishing of books, pamphlets and magazines. ALL YOU NEED, or anyone else, to read all such material, is a CHEAP microfiche reader.

(All the rest con be done for you by one of the numerous micrographic agencies, fast, well and compared with printing, very cheap. ENQUIRE!)

You CAN GET A GOOD ENOUGH MICROFICHE READER, either an outdated model or a second-hand machine, from as low as $ 45 onwards. Look around. E.g. Gordon Enterprises, 'Microfilm Division, P.O. Box 3914 North Hollywood, Cal. 91 609, specialise on reconditioned machines and offer a comprehensive catalog which is almost as good as the market survey by the National Micrographics Association.

MY "Gone Fiching for Liberty" lists cheap and small readers and literature on fiche or film that is of interest to libertarians. These lists will be expanded in future PEACE PLANS.

Upon large literature orders some firms even offer you free microfiche readers. What are you waiting for?

On microfiche all libertarian thoughts, ideas, proposals and discoveries, all addresses and connections you need, can soon become available to you and all others, very cheaply - with your cooperation.

Be With It! For Freedom In Our Time!

==================================================================================

25 A

PART ONE:

WHAT FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS HAVE TO BE INCLUDED IN THE CONSTITUTIONS OF ALL STATES TO ASSURE LASTING WORLD PEACE AND WHAT INSTITUTIONS ARE TO BE ESTABLISHED UPON THESE CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES?

A) PRINCIPLES

SECTION I:

WHAT GENERAL NEW HUMAN RIGHTS MUST BE INCLUDED

IN ALL CONSTITUTIONS?

 

"Right is thus: The reasonable peaceful order of a human society in its external relations with others

and towards property." - Prof. Dr. Felix Dahn: "Deutsches Rechtsbuch" (A German Book on Rights)

 

"Creation alone: that such a species of corrupt beings should exist on Earth, is apparently indefensible by any religious teachings - if we presume that mankind neither will nor can improve. We will, inevitably, be driven to such desperate conclusions unless we suppose that pure moral principles have objective reality, i.e., they can be realised and must be acted upon by the people in a State and by the States among themselves, no matter what objections empirical politics might raise. True politics cannot take a single step without humbling itself before morality and although politics by itself is a very difficult art, its combination with morality simplifies matters, for morality cuts, the knot which politics cannot unravel - whenever the two contradict each other.

Right must be held supreme by man, no matter how many sacrifices this requires of the ruling powers. One cannot go half-way here and devise a compromise between a pragmatically conditioned right (between morality and utility). Instead, politics must bow its knees before morality.

As a result it may hope to rise - though only slowly - to a stage where it will shine persistently."

Immanuel Kant in "ETERNAL PEACE", 1795.

 

"One has attempted so many things. When will one finally try the most simple solution, Liberty? Liberty for all actions not infringing justice. The liberty to live, to develop oneself, to perfect oneself. The liberty for the free use of all talents, the liberty for the unrestrained exchange of all services?"

Frederic Bastiat: "ECONOMIC HARMONIES"

 

"Human rights declarations were never complete and, forseeably, will never be complete."

Prof. Arnold J. Lien

____________________________________________________________________________________________

25 B

INTRODUCTION

MOST HUMAN RIGHTS APPLY ONLY TO RATIONAL BEINGS

According to their very nature, most human rights are suitable only for rational beings. Thus nobody can unconditionally claim them who is so irrational as to persistently and significantly offend against any human right.

When human rights are conceded to tyrants and their henchmen, world peace remains threatened. When members of totalitarian groups are conceded the "right" to bear arms, the human rights of all others are endangered. The practice of a human right would thus endanger human rights. Such a contradiction can only be solved by recognition that most human rights apply only to adult and rational human beings and not to irrational ones.

As irrational one would have to consider everyone from whom one would have to expect, judging by his past actions, that he would continue to offend against human rights - at least in the persons of others (in cases of people

claiming certain rights for themselves). 1

In some theories this idea has already been expressed - although the general conclusion has only been rarely drawn, due to the prevailing egalitarian bias and the tendency to make unjustified generalisations. Thus article 30 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 10/12/48 states:

"Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein."

In practice, this limited applicability of human rights, i.e. to rational beings only, has been largely realized by the outlawry of national socialists in many countries and by condemning criminals (i.e., people who had offended

against the rights to life, physical inviolability and property ) to some kind of slave existence for a certain period, also by depriving children and madmen of certain rights.

The human rights draft in the appendix (and previously published in Peace Plans No. 4) tried to distinguish between human rights for all human beings and natural rights of rational beings. (It was again reproduced, together with about 100 other private human rights drafts in PEACE PLANS 589 & 590. - J.Z., 8.12.02.)

In recent years Ayn Rand has repeatedly expressed similar ideas. So far, alas, she considered it unnecessary to base a new code of natural law on this idea. I hope that some of her admirers will go beyond her in this, perhaps using my draft in Peace Plans No. 4 as a basis for discussion.

EXTENSION OF THE PRINCIPLE OF TOLERANCE

Every rational being may freely do anything at his own expense and risk - not only in his private but also in his social, economic and political life - that does not infringe the human and natural rights of other persons.

Nobody may rightly be forced to adjust his life according to the dictates of a temporarily predominating theory. Thus, for instance, the State is not authorised to interfere, by means of old or new laws, with scientific and volun-tarily conducted experiments of a social, juridical, economic or political kind - as long as by such experiments only the life, health, property and liberty of the participating people could be endangered.

This principle is almost axiomatic. It follows from the idea of "rights" and was, in another form, already expressed in many codifications of human rights. Instances :

French Constitution of 3/9/1791, Article 4:

"Freedom consists in the authority to do everything that is not harmful to others. Thus the exercise of the natural rights of man has no other limits than those which assure all other members of society the practice of the same rights."

Irrational people can hardly be considered as full members of society.

The idea of imposed classes and second-class citizenship has nothing to do with this natural and inherent distinction.

26

Similarly (but with the important distinction between harm & wrong!), the French Constitution of 24/6/1793 states in article 6:

"Freedom is the authority of everybody to do everything that does not infringe the rights of others ...."

Likewise, article 2 of the 1946 Constitution of Hessen:

"Man is free. He may do or fail to do whatever does not infringe the rights of others ..."

The Bill of Rights of the German Federal Republic, of 1949, also states in Article 2/1:

"Everyone has the right to freely develop his personality, provided, he does not injure the rights of others and does not offend against the constitutional order or the moral law."

Many more such instances could be given. Usually some statist & territorialist qualifications are added. I have no intention to discuss these here, while stating the pure principle.

Realisation of this expanded principle of tolerance, or rather expanded understanding of tolerance, would help to establish and preserve world peace for a variety of reasons. The main reason is that most ideologies would soon lose their aggressiveness if they could already now be applied by minority groups, practising for, to and among themselves the new system, while living peacefully among and with the majority which, for itself, would practise its own preferred system.

Liberation wars and revolutionary struggle would, obviously, become unjustified and unnecessary where this principle is thoroughly practised. No obviously rational and just motives for war or revolution would remain. The power urge of minorities would be exhausted in the struggle to apply their own ideals in practice and the power urge of individuals could be effectively countered in such a society.

The power addicts would, moreover, most likely be deposed before too long, by some of their own followers, who would no longer be satisfied with promises for the far future but would, instead, insist upon results, upon obvious successes there and then, and there would be no excuses for not supplying them - and, mostly, like all other politicians, they could not.

This extended principle of tolerance could be realized by the recognition of the right of individuals to secede from States like from a church and to form exterritorial and autonomous communities of volunteers.

 

THE RIGHT OF INDIVIDUALS TO SECEDE FROM A STATE -

AND EXTERRITORIAL AND AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES OF VOLUNTEERS

Definition of the Right of Individuals to Secede from a State

Every rational being has the right to secede from every unnatural coercive association, including unions, parties, armies and the State itself - without thereby losing a single human right or natural right of rational beings.

Those who seceded have the right to form new and autonomous associations everywhere, even within and on the territory so far exclusively claimed by the State they have left or by other States, excluding only the private property of the members of other associations, provided that their own associations are also voluntary, i.e. that they themselves respect the right to secede, and that, consequently, they pass and apply only exterritorial or personal laws among themselves and fully respect the human rights and natural rights of the members of the remaining State authority and those of the members of other exterritorial and autonomous communities of volunteers.

I hold that the "social contract", properly interpreted, forms one "association" one cannot rightly secede from. I believe that it is not a contract concluded voluntarily and explicitly between individuals but, instead, one automatically, naturally and inevitably formed by association, one into which every rational being is "forced" by his very nature: A tacit agreement to mutually assist each other in case of a threat to their human or natural rights.

Some have over-simplified, over-generalised or over-extended it by calling it "duty", "solidarity" or "loyalty". (Discussion of these alternatives must be left to some other time and place.) In the above sense the "social contract" is more than a mere herd instinct (by being based on moral sense and moral judgement).

27

It is also less formal than a written constitutional obligation, yet, I believe, it is morally more binding than the latter. It does not require self-sacrifice as a duty. Nevertheless, in some cases, it requires some readiness to risk one's life, liberty and property in the defence of basic rights.

I only state this position here as comment to the above. Explanation and defence of this idea of a "social contract" must be left to some other essay. (Obviously, no one has as yet formally signed such a contract. That should not keep us from pondering its optimal wording. - J.Z., 8.12.02.)

As unnatural and coercive associations I would classify all those whose dissolution or reduction by means of the repeal of their compulsory membership would in no way infringe the human rights or natural rights of rational beings.

After the recognition and realisation of the right of individuals to secede, these unnatural and coercive associations would gradually disappear or be dissolved, at least to a large extent. Although their name and formal structure might remain, their unnatural and coercive nature would disappear completely. What would remain of them in future would, in essence, be no different from that of any of the new volunteer communities: They would also be reduced to being (or advance to being) exterritorial and autonomous communities of volunteers, retained by the consensus of those who did not desire any changes for themselves but wanted to keep all the old laws and institutions. One of the differences would be that now these consenting victims would have to bear the costs and risks of their decisions exclusively themselves. There would be no faster way to teach them! Moreover, they would, more than the other and new communities, be inclined to remain organised along the old national lines, crossing them only when there are national minorities across the former State borders.

States, unions and armed forces would then be reduced to associations of volunteers. They could no longer force institutions and services upon dissenters - who would have left them. The seceded people would either organise such services for themselves or would find it profitable to do without them.

Even in case of war and especially in case of a war, no coercion may be used, in any form and under any pretext, to induce people to retain their membership in any State or exterritorial and autonomous community. (The attempt would provoke the enmity of all other such communities in the world.)

In case some individuals or minority groups not only remained neutral but actively supported an enemy regime, then they would, naturally, have to expect to be treated according to the international laws of war. Fortunately, for a variety of reasons stated below, these cases will become extremely rare.

Exterritorial and Autonomous Communities of Volunteers as Peace Promoters

In the relatively free Western countries, the right to secede could be realised peacefully, e.g. by referendums, but in countries like the Soviet Union only by a revolution.

In Western countries all enemies of nuclear weapons would be likely to secede from States armed with nuclear weapons or involved with such allies. As soon as most citizens are sufficiently enlightened on the immorality and the dangers, not only of the aggressive or defensive but also of the deterrent use of nuclear weapons, moreover, also on the possibilities of defending oneself without nuclear destructive devices against an enemy armed with them, the majority of the citizens would be likely to secede. Then, in referendums among all the inhabitants of large territories (seeing that everyone's rights would be involved), the destruction of the nuclear devices of the remaining States would be resolved upon.

This "interference with the internal affairs" of these States would be justified because one would have to expect that, in case of war, these atomic weapons would attract the enemy's atomic weapons like super-strong magnets and could thus lead to the incidental murder of all or most people in these territories. Thus the right of individuals to secede would lead to the - if necessary -

28

unilateral destruction of nuclear weapons in the West.

In the Soviet Union, the declaration of secession, by individuals constituting the majority of the population, or at least by a decisive minority, could only take place during a revolution. Indeed, it would be an important part of a rightful revolution.

The declaration of secession of the first 10,000 Russian soldiers and officers, e.g. of a division of the Red Army, and the possibilities it opens up for the future for a free development of all Russian minorities and of the majority, would most likely, provided only a detailed and rational revolutionary programme has previously been well publicised, lead to further such declarations of secession in form of a chain reaction. By practising secession and by publicising the number and the different kinds of secessions, the revolution could spread more rapidly. The Soviet Union would soon find itself deserted by most of its former subjects and would, most likely, be unable to defend its former wrongful power with the remaining citizens and soldiers. (At the some time, its remaining rightful authority, over voluntary members only, would become the concern of all other exterritorial and autonomous associations in the world, who should not hesitate to offer their recognition and trade and assistance, should they be required. If it would not exceed this limited rightful authority, the former enemy of all rational beings would become, if not the friend of all, at least recognized as a neutral community, that would only try to spread by persuasion and demonstration of its ideals.)

The subversion of the nuclear strength philosophy brought about by the ideology of tolerant exterritorial and autonomous organization of volunteers, would also extend to those persons supposed to guard and use nuclear devices. The remaining few fanatics would not be likely to have sufficient time, opportunity or convincing military strength left to successfully guard a dictatorial regime's nuclear weapons against destruction by the secessionists. Against revolutionaries in the own country, a regime can hardly use these weapons successfully, i.e., without endangering itself. Moreover, the revolution in the own country would prevent it from attacking external enemies, particularly when these, due to certain actions in these other countries, have rather become friends and allies to the majority of one's former subjects and when there is an honourable and safe way out. "Build your enemy golden bridges!" (Compare the proposals below on revolution, disarmament, tyrannicide, resistance and outlawry combined with amnesty offers.

Experimental Freedom for Social, Economic and Political Experiments Would Prevent Wars

This experimental freedom would reduce ideological tensions and conflicts of economic interests between antagonistic power blocks. State capitalists (Bolsheviks of Soviets) for instance, would no longer be able to condemn private capitalism completely once the latter permitted tolerant State capitalistic experiments.

Capitalism, on the other hand, would hardly blame the Soviets in the economic sphere, if the Soviets permitted tolerant private capitalistic experiments.

Whosoever can realize his programme already in this way would not find followers for an attempt to usurp State power - or only relatively few. Thus he would not acquire a degree of power which might enable him to attempt to forcefully impose his programme upon other States or communities.

Adolf Damaschke defended the experimental approach in his "Geschichte der Nationaloekonomie" (History of National Economy), vol. II, p. 10, in a comment on Considerant:

"His 'Manifest' of 1841 characterises the essence of utopism by making the last decision on the value or worthlessness of a utopia dependent upon the result of an experiment:

'Every theory of social progress must permit a test of its rightness by local experiments, even when it may be called nonsensical, immoral or anti-social. It must be capable to move mankind towards a general practical realisation of the new system by means of voluntary imitation.' "

29

The Arms Race Would Come to an End

In accordance with the old saying "If you want peace, prepare for war!", every State participates in the arms race and thereby, and almost inevitably, brings about war in the long run. (The war preparations discussed in this book are of quite a different kind, as the reader will see later.) Only in a few cases have arms races not led to war in the end: In no more than 1% of the cases recorded!

Otto Lehmann Russbuelt, in: "Wie Gewinnen Wir den Frieden?" (How Can We Win Peace?) brought a statistic on this:

"Of 4,711 peace treaties within 3,500 years - 4,697 were broken and of 1,656 arms races since 650 B.C., 1,640 led to war."

Exterritorial and autonomous communities of volunteers could do without the "safeg